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Hammer shrewdly muses It would be interesting to know who footed the bill for this merriment -- perhaps the City of London? Clegg thinks, however, that Essexs request for the epistles excision was because he would not want his name associated in any way with a history representing an English monarchs failure in Ireland (p.207). Salerios I should think of shallows and of flats, / And see my wealthy Andrew dockd in sand (1.1.26-27; I give the Arden version) alludes to the capture during the Cadiz expedition of the rich Spanish prize, the Andrew, which became one of the largest ships in Elizabeths fleet, and nearly ran aground on the sands and flats off Chatham. The pathos was not lost, I suggest, on Shakespeare the former protg, and perhaps is echoed in the dowager Duchess of Gloucesters lines on her newly desolate family home: Alack, and what shall good old York see there / But empty lodgings and unfurnished walls, / Unpeopled offices, untrodden stones, / And what hear there for welcome but my groans? See John Russell Browns edition of The Merchant of Venice (London: Arden, 1964), p.xxvi; and Ian Wilson, Shakespeare: the Evidence (New York: St. There is a police helicopter about 50 feet over head above the scene and there is not much else to see.

Further (5), no other known contenders for the role of Essex rebellion curtain-raiser seem probable: Thomas of Woodstock does not feature the royal overthrow, and the Essex entourage would hardly seek to cast upon Londoners Falstaffs spell of gluttonous self-preservation, enveloping Shakespeares Henry IV plays.

Bergeron, The Hoby Letter and Richard II: a Parable of Criticism, Shakespeare Quarterly 26 (1975), 477-80. Asserted, for example, by the New Cambridge editor Andrew Gurr, Richard II (Cambridge, 2003), pp.1 and 55-56; by Stanley Wells and Gary Taylor, William Shakespeare: A Textual Companion (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp.117-18; and endorsed, unargued, by Stephen Greenblatt et al, The Norton Shakespeare (New York: Norton, 1997), p.3379. Evelyn Albright, PMLA 42 (1927), 46 (1931) and 47 (1932), debated by Heffner, PMLA 45 (1930); E. 189), noting Essexs friend Sir Roger Williams to be sometimes taken as a model for Fluellen in Henry V.

, Shakespeare Quarterly 9, no.2 (1958), 204-06; David M. Campbell, Shakespeares Histories: Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy (1947; rept.1968, San Marino, California: Huntingdon Library), pp.168-212. In the interests of authenticity I return to the original, Shakespearean spelling, Bullingbrooke, employed in the Quarto and Folio versions and reflecting Elizabethan pronunciation, in preference to the modern Bolingbroke, taken from 18 Earl of Essex, 1585-1597 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. Hammer is not a literary critic; and his books sole reference to Shakespeare is one footnote (p.147 n.

In conclusion, Richard IIs injurious representation of Essex in 1596 would seem to have married Shakespeares skeptical political vision and aggrieved humanitarian sympathies to an urgent professional expedience. Further, the dense network of continuities between Richard II and the Henriad (Forker 118-120) complements a composition date somewhere in 1596 or 1597.

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The displacement of Essex, autocratic, scheming, and belligerent, might make possible ravaged Englands return to peace and prosperity: a pruning policy in accord with the transparently allegoric words of the gardener on ruinous monarchic indulgence, in a scene wholly invented by Shakespeare: We at this time of year Do wound the bark, the skin of our fruit trees, Lest, being over-proud in sap and blood, With too much riches it confound itself. If we accept, with most scholars, that 1 Henry IV was composed when Cobham was Lord Chamberlain, then Richard IIs sequel derives from some point between August 1596 and March 1597. My account is based on Hammer, Elizabeths Wars (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp.193-94; Lacey, Robert, Earl of Essex (New York: Atheneum 1971), pp.140-49; and Hammer, Polarisation, pp.250, 254. Raleigh Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh (New York: Henry Holt, 2002), pp.215-50, 260-63. Manning, Village Revolts: Social Protest and Popular Disturbances in England 1509-1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p.224.

Had he done so to great and growing men, They might have lived to bear, and he to taste, Their fruits of duty. For the mythopoeic textures of the Guiana experience, see also Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Knopf, 1995), pp.307-20. I follow Mannings account of the Oxford rising, pp.221-29. Even Lukas Erne, who argues that the Chamberlains Men pursued a coherent strategy to get their playwrights plays into print, believes that normally the company waited roughly two years before seeking publication: Shakespeare as Literary Dramatist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) pp.80, 84. The identity of the play commissioned by the Essex conspirators is known to us through the subsequent notes of the authorities, prosecuting Essex in Star Chamber and calling in Augustine Phillips to explain to the Privy Council the Lord Chamberlains Mens action in staging the playing of King Henry the Fourth, and of the killing of Richard the second (Calendar of State Papers (Domestic) 1598-1601, p.575.